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History suggests that Kerala is not an isolated case; the Congress has a long-standing ‘wait and watch’ strategy for state leadership
The delay occurs because the high command uses this time to balance competing regional and factional interests. File pic/AP
The historic victory of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) in the May 2026 Kerala assembly elections, where it secured a “cyclone-strength” mandate of 102 seats, was expected to be a moment of decisive triumph. Instead, it has devolved into a week-long leadership impasse that has become a hallmark of the Grand Old Party’s victory celebrations. While the Left Democratic Front (LDF) has been decimated after a decade in power, the Congress in Kerala finds itself paralysed by a high-stakes tug-of-war between VD Satheesan, KC Venugopal, and Ramesh Chennithala.
Why does the ‘High Command’ delay the final verdict?
In the Congress ecosystem, a legislative victory is rarely followed by an immediate coronation. The party follows a ritualistic tradition where the newly elected MLAs pass a single-line resolution authorising the “high command”—the Congress president and the Gandhi family—to choose their leader. This process involves sending AICC observers, such as Ajay Maken and Mukul Wasnik, to conduct “one-on-one” secret ballot meetings with all 63 Congress MLAs.
The delay occurs because the high command uses this time to balance competing regional and factional interests. In Kerala, Satheesan (the outgoing leader of opposition) claims credit for the ground-level campaign, while Venugopal (AICC general secretary) asserts his proximity to the central leadership. The leadership in Delhi often hesitates to pick a winner immediately for fear of triggering a “Sachin Pilot-style” rebellion from the losing faction.
Is this a recurring pattern in other states?
History suggests that Kerala is not an isolated case; the Congress has a long-standing “wait and watch” strategy for state leadership.
Karnataka (2023): After a landslide victory, the party spent nearly five days in a deadlock between Siddaramaiah and DK Shivakumar, eventually settling on a “shared power” formula with a rotating chief ministership, though the tussle still seemingly continues.
Himachal Pradesh (2022): It took several days and a chaotic meeting of MLAs at a Shimla hotel to choose Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu over the legacy of the late Virbhadra Singh, represented by his wife, Pratibha Singh.
Rajasthan & Madhya Pradesh (2018): Perhaps the most infamous delays occurred when the party spent nearly a week deciding between the “Old Guard” (Ashok Gehlot and Kamal Nath) and the “Young Turks” (Sachin Pilot and Jyotiraditya Scindia). These delays sowed the seeds of future instability, ultimately leading to the collapse of the MP government in 2020.
Does the coalition factor complicate the choice?
Unlike a single-party majority, the UDF is a mosaic of interests. Allies such as the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and Kerala Congress (Joseph) have significant leverage. These partners have reportedly urged the Congress to pick a “sitting MLA” to avoid unnecessary by-elections—a subtle nudge against KC Venugopal, who is currently an MP from Alappuzha. The high command must ensure that the chosen CM is acceptable not just to Congress MLAs but to the entire 102-member coalition to prevent a “revolving door” cabinet.
When will Kerala finally get its Chief Minister?
The party has reportedly set a deadline of May 23 to finalise the name, though an announcement is expected sooner to quell growing public unrest. The delay has already allowed the caretaker CM, Pinarayi Vijayan, to mock the “internal chaos” of the victors.
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